Daoism and Confucianism Essay Example for Free

Daoism and Confucianism Essay Daoism and Confucianism are two of China’s oldest and most pervasive philosophies. They arose during the same period in Chinese history, called the Hundred Schools of Thought, a time often marred by unrest and feudal strife. Both philosophies reflect this, as their overarching goals are to seek order and harmony in one’s life, relationship with society, and the universe. Confucianism is a philosophy originated by the Chinese philosopher, Confucius, which teaches that logic and reason can solve all human problems, and rejects excessive emotion and superstition. Confucianism also teaches that following the traditions of early Chinese culture is the best way to organize society. Traditional ritual, music and poetry are also seen as important tools in maintaining societal harmony. Confucius was concerned with matters of human relationships. His philosophy inspires scholars to take up civil service with the goal of building a society based upon their discernment of good and bad and to desire that which is judged to be good. The way of Confucius is to forge a moral society protected from the world. The main source of Confucian teaching is the Analects of Confucius. Daoism on the other hand was started by Lao Tzu, and is mainly concerned with living a balanced life based on following Nature. Lau Tzu saw the natural world as a sort of teacher which could impart wisdom to mankind if we only observed it and modeled our lives on what we see in nature. Extremes are to be avoided, passivity is encouraged over force, going with the flow of things and avoiding conflict is the goal. Lao Tzu rejects worldly concerns, limited knowledge and flawed judgments as creating an imbalance in the nature of things. The way of Lao Tzu is to allow man and nature to come into a harmonic coexistence. So, to boil it all down to one point, Taoism is all about mans relationship with nature, while Confucianism is about mans relationship with his fellow man. Confucianism was created in the early fourth century B. C. E. The founder of Confucianism was Kong Qiu (Kung Chiu), who was born around 552 B. C. E. in the small state of Lu and died in 479 B. C. E. The Latinized name Confucius, based on the honorific title Kong Fuzi (Kung Fu-tzu), was created by 16th-century Jesuit missionaries in China. Confucius was a teacher to sons of the nobility at a time when formal education was just beginning in China. He traveled from region to region with a small group of disciples, and believed that his philosophy could transform individuals and society into a more harmonious unit. Confucius was not particularly famous during his lifetime, and even considered himself to be a failure. He longed to be the advisor to a powerful ruler, and he believed that such a ruler, with the right advice, could bring about an ideal world. Confucius said heaven and the afterlife were beyond human capacity to understand, and one should therefore concentrate instead on doing the right thing in this life. The earliest records from his students indicate that he did not provide many moral precepts; rather he taught an attitude toward ones fellow humans of respect, particularly respect for ones parents, teachers, and elders. He also encouraged his students to learn from everyone they encountered and to honor others cultural norms. Later, his teachings would be translated by authoritarian political philosophers into strict guidelines, and for much of Chinese history Confucianism would be associated with an immutable hierarchy of authority and unquestioning obedience. Confucius’s teachings were carried on and promoted by his disciple Mencius, and, later, by Hsun-Tzu, who lived from about 300 to 235 B. C. E. E. A rationalist form of Neo-Confucianism, an outgrowth of Confucianism, began to gain popularity through the teachings of Chu Hsi, who lived from 1033 to 1107 CE. A more socially oriented Neo-Confucianism became popular through the teachings of Wang Yang-Ming, who lived from 1472 to 1529 C. E. The Analects is a collection of principles enunciated by the Chinese thinker Confucius in conversations with his disciples. Similar to Proverbs in the Old Testament, the analects depend heavily on analogy and metaphor. They stress the importance not of rules per se, but of ethics, that guide behavior. Never impose on others what you would not choose for yourself. He also stressed the need for ritual and music. These principles set standards for individual conduct and the administration of government and community. After Confucius died in 479 B. C. E. , his followers compiled his teachings in the form of dialogues between him and his students. The resulting collection highly influenced educational, social, and cultural thought in China and elsewhere. Running through the teachings of Confucius is this theme: A man should lead an upright life, educate himself, and contribute to the betterment of society. The superior man, he says, respects elders, cultivates the friendship of good people, presides over his subordinates with a fair and even hand, continually educates himself, overflows with love for fellow human beings, and in general sets a good example for others to follow. The Analects are terse and usually easy to understand. Many of these passages, though presented in the form of conversation, are epigrams that stand alone as wise and memorable admonitions. The statements make frequent use of parallel structure and antithesis. Some say Confucianism is not a religion, since there are no Confucian deities and no teachings about the afterlife. Confucius himself was a staunch supporter of ritual, however, for many centuries there were state rituals associated with Confucianism. Most importantly, the Confucian tradition was instrumental in shaping Chinese social relationships and moral thought. Thus even without deities and a vision of salvation, Confucianism plays much the same role as religion does in other cultural contexts. Confucianism is a socio-philosophical system aimed at bettering individuals and society. Its primary goals were to educate people to be self-motivated and self-controlled, and to enable people to assume their responsibilities, which would, in turn, cultivate a better self and a harmonious society. Confucius believed that lawlessness and social problems stemmed from the combination of unenlightened individuals and a social structure without norms. Confucius believed in the Great Ultimate (Tao), which manifests itself in the I, or change. Tao is the cause of I, and generates Yang (energy) and Yin (a passive form). Together, Yin and Yang are seen as complementary symbols of the energy and tension in a system of counter forces. Tao, or the Great Ultimate, is the first-cause of the universe, a force that flows through all life, but is not a personal being. Ultimately, we are here to discover our real self, which is the nature of Tao. Humans are thought to be inherently good. Through self-discipline, a human is able to move in accordance to Tao and thus will enjoy the principle of change. In a practical sense, we are here to better ourselves and society. This is done through education and enlightenment. Daoism was created in China in the Late 4th century B. C. E. Daoism was founded by Li Erh (better known as Lao Tzu), or â€Å"Old Master†, in the sixth century B. C. E. Lao Tzu was the keeper of the imperial library and the author of Tao Te Ching, or the Book of Dao and Virtue. The specific date of birth of Lao Tzu is unknown. Legends vary, but scholars’ place his birth between 600 and 300 B. C. E. Lao Tzu’s wise counsel attracted followers, but he refused to set his ideas down in writing. He believed that written words might solidify into formal dogma. Lao Tzu wanted his philosophy to remain a natural way to live life with goodness, serenity and respect. Lao Tzu laid down no rigid code of behavior. He believed a person’s conduct should be governed by instinct and conscience. Lao Tzu believed that human life, like everything else in the universe, is constantly influenced by outside forces. He believed â€Å"simplicity† to be the key to truth and freedom. Lao Tzu encouraged his followers to observe, and seek to understand the laws of nature; to develop intuition and build up personal power; and to use that power to lead life with love, and without force. Legend says that in the end Lao Tzu, saddened by the evil of men, set off into the desert on a water buffalo leaving civilization behind. When he arrived at the final gate at the great wall protecting the kingdom, the gatekeeper persuaded him to record the principles of his philosophy for posterity. The result was the eighty-one sayings of the â€Å"Tao Te Ching. † The Tao Te Ching was written in China roughly 2,500 years ago at about the same time when Buddha expounded the Dharma in India and Pythagoras taught in Greece. The Tao Te Ching is probably the most influential Chinese book of all times. Its 81 chapters have been translated into English more times than any other Chinese document, and it provides the basis for the philosophical school of Daoism, which is an important pillar of Chinese thought. In Tao Te Ching, it never specifically defines The Way. It’s a series of verses, poems, and riddles. It emphasizes control but not dominance, fluidity but not ambivalence, and mystery but not confusion. Dao is analogous to God, but Dao is not a being. Rather, Dao is the source of all and the ultimate reality, and Dao is the cause of all change in life. Dao permeates the universe and is the principle behind all that is. Dao can only be experienced through mystical ecstasy. Daoists seek transformation of their self and body into a cosmic, Dao-focused entity. This is achieved through ritual and meditation. Daoism teaches that there is one undivided truth at the root of all things. Daoism is the organized, indigenous religion of China. From a philosophical standpoint Daoism focuses on Dao, or way, and deals with ideas about naturalness, ease, non-action etc. Physically, Daoism focuses on health through concepts like Qigong and Taiji quan, which involve deep breathing, slow, graceful motions and gentle stretching. From a religious standpoint, Daoism is reflected in many areas, including a social and political vision, rituals, a hierarchical priesthood, talismans and exorcisms. Other Daoism practices include advanced spiritual meditation and mystic, ecstatic soul travel. The universe is hierarchically organized in such a way that its entirety is reproduced in its individual parts. Thus, man is a microcosm within the macrocosm (small universe within a larger one). Man’s parts correspond to parts of the universe and nature. All is from the Dao, and all will return to the Dao. Daoism was created to reunite with Dao through the transformation from disharmony to harmony. Disharmony causes a destructive or waning cycle of the Five Elements (metal, wood, earth, water and fire). This cycle consists of metal destroying wood (wood is cut by a metal ax); wood dominating earth through its roots (domination through power); earth mastering water and preventing floods (anti-nature forces); water destroying fire (pollution is caused by anti-nature, and destroys the beauty of the world); fire melts metal (causing pollution). Through personal and social transformation, humans can convert the destructive cycle of the Five Elements into a creative or constructive cycle of the Five Elements. Metal in the earth nourishes underground water (purification); water is the source of life for vegetation, including wood (nourishment); wood is the fuel for fire, which causes ashes, which then form earth (natural recycling). The formation of metal in earth completes the cycle. Daoism has a very recognizable symbol. It is the Yin-Yang, a circle divided in two equal parts of dark/black (Yin) and light/white (Yang). Within the dark, there is a circle of light, and within the light, there is a circle of dark. The two parts are equal because they signify the balance in the world caused by the Yin and Yang forces in all things. Each has a circle of the other to symbolize that each contains elements of the other, and that each cannot exist without the other. Sometimes, the Yin-Yang symbol will be surrounded with trigrams, or sets of three lines with breaks in various positions. Each trigram stands for a certain principle in Daoism.

Structural Theories Essay Example for Free

Structural Theories Essay Motives are believed to be the reason behind the action of people. Whether negative or positive, they are the cause of an individual’s action. Since motives help us better recognize why a person would do something, a lot of research has been committed to understanding the pattern of people or group of peoples motives. Knowledge of patterns is crucial to many aspects of human behavior but especially those relating to crime. Knowing a pattern helps one to predict, and hopefully help educate others on future crimes. The research of crime is so extensive that researchers have created not only theories but also various subculture theories of crime. Subculture theory of crime is a set of theories arguing that certain groups or subcultures in society have values and attitudes that are conducive to crime and violence. Subcultural theories of Cloward and Ohlin, Wolfgang and Feracuti, Elijah Anderson, and Walter Miller offer a great deal of insight on why different groups of people choose to engage in the crimes that they participate in. Although these theories are broad and shed light on what certain groups will attribute to crime, it is not an exact science. A lot of these theories come along with critiques that question the basic points the researchers are trying to prove. Cloward and Ohlin theorized illegitimate opportunity structures, which argues that in order for someone to obtain and take advantage of the most rewarding illegitimate opportunities, aspiring delinquents often need an â€Å"in†. Within the illegitimate opportunity structure there are different subcultures and cub cultures. Cloward and Ohlin go on to split people into different subcultures of criminals who do not have an â€Å"in†. The subcultures of the criminal structure that are offered are Conflict subculture, conflict gang, retreatist gang, and retreatist cub culture. Those who fit in Conflict subculture turn their frustration at failure in both the legitimate and illegitimate opportunity structures into violence and those that are in gangs aim to make money through a variety of illegitimate avenues. While conflict gangs engage in violent activities, doing whatever is necessary to maintain their status in the streets and finally retreatist gangs are considered â€Å"double-failures† no success in either legitimate or illegitimate opportunities turn to drugs. Some critiques to Cloward and Ohlin have been that they fail to realize that the different subcultures can overlap. For example, gangs involved in conflict subculture often deal in and use drugs, and make large sums of money in the process. Unlike Cloward, Ohlin, Wolfgang and Feracuti, Walter Miller argued that crime is simply an extension of normal working class values, not a distinctive set of alternative values. Miller argued that the lower classes create their different value system as a response to the monotony of working –class jobs and a life of poverty. Working-class subculture is a mechanism full of processes, which allow working-class people to cope with their situations. He termed this focal concern. These focal concerns are fate, autonomy, trouble, excitement, smartness, and toughness. Due to the fact that these characteristics can be distributed throughout society, Walter Millers theory is thought to be too fixated on working class values. His theory also has too much of a focus on boys. Wolfgang and Feracuti argue the subculture of violence; they believe that violence is a product of conformity to a pro-violent subculture that is in direct conflict with the dominant culture. They suggest that violent reactions to perceived threats to reputation or honor are culturally prescribed, given that a failure to react defensively may result in life-threatening consequences. These researchers even go on to apply this theory outside of disadvantaged neighborhoods, such as the American south, athletes, and postal workers. Still critiques feel as though Wolfgang and Feratuci infer the existence of subcultures of violence based on statistical indicators of high rates of violence in poor racialized neighborhoods. Another important critique is that not everyone follows the values and norms of violence. This critique was then explored in Anderson’s study. He revealed â€Å"street† and â€Å"decent† value orientations among families in Philadelphia neighborhood. In Elijah Anderson’s â€Å"code of the street† he proposes that the high  rates of violence amongst inner-city residents can be attributed to a â€Å"code of the streets.† This code, he notes, functions as a â€Å"set of informal rules governing interpersonal public behavior† that encourages the use of violence for the purposes of maintaining honor and defending reputation. Just like Cloward and Ohlin’s Conflict gang subculture and Wolfgang and Fercuti’s subculture of violence, Anderson believes that crime occurred in certain neighborhoods in order to maintain status and respect. However new improvements on this contemporary theory were added when Anderson included the variations of families that lived within this pro-violent culture. He concluded that while both contingents experience the hardships of race and class oppression, â€Å"rather than dwelling on the hardships and inequities facing them,† Anderson argues, â€Å"civilâ₠¬  individuals tend to â€Å"accept mainstream values more fully than â€Å"street families† and make the best of what they have (Anderson, 1999: 38). Although this theory goes on to prove that not everyone in a pro-violent environment upholds the same values, it fails to clarify the specific processes that had led the residents of Germantown Avenue’s inner city to embrace pro-violent values and attitudes. Subcultural theories do not adequately explain racial disparities in crime. All these theories have a focus on African-Americans in impoverish areas. The subcultural theories offered also have a concentration on street crime. No theory seems to offer reason as to why the elite commit white-collar crimes. Furthermore these various subcultures that focus on pro-violent cultures do not give insight on how the pro-violent cultures came to be in the first place.

Psychological Theories of Chronic Pain

Psychological Theories of Chronic Pain The operant approach to chronic pain was intended to concentrate upon external pain-induced responses and the social implications of the nature of feedback. The operant model has been particularly described by Fordyce et al (1968, 1976) based upon the work of other individuals in the behavioural field, for example Skinner. The operant theory implies that the genesis of the pain should be distinguished from pain behaviours and the articulation of pain.External displays of pain such as wincing may be conditioned just as any other type of behaviour. If the patient receives positive feedback in response to pain behaviours, they may remain after the usual time of healing for that ailment. There is a respectable body of evidence to justify the use of the operant model in response to chronic pain, yet there is a relatively miniscule level of consensus about why they work and the validity of their theoretical foundations. The operant theory is supported by research projects that intimate the success of behavioural treatments, but there are several problematic elements in these studies which have been recently addressed. The troubling issues include the antecedent belief that all pain behaviours are dysfunctional, the obstacles to continuing the learned behaviours subsequent to treatment and the reluctance of some chronic pain patients to embrace operant modes of treatment. Essentially, the nature of the sum of the problems is dualistic, and can either be addressed as complications with interpreting pain behaviours or the inevitable failure rate that all treatments face. These issues, salient though they are, are not exhaustive. The operant model fails to recognise the fact that the patient’s personal interpretation of their pain and the changes they are experiencing maybe important. Acknowledging this can clear the way for cognitive theories to add something to operant methods of treatment. Indeed, elements that influence behaviour in general and pain behaviour in particular are complex and multi-faceted. It is seldom evident that a single cause has led to a single effect. Although it is true that pain-related behaviours are often modified during the course of a treatment programme, it is not necessarily true that it is for the reasons uppermost in the minds of the experts monitoring them. In brief, rational thought cannot condone the notion that the operant model of chronic pain is true because treatment programmes utilising behavioural methods have been shown to alter the behaviour of patients suffering from chronic pain. A particular assertion that has come under scrutiny is the idea that patients modify their verbal expressions of pain in response to reactions from spouses. The methods and logic that lead to this conclusion are questionable and so must be their perceived contribution to the validity of the operant model. Further, some studies claiming to provide empirical support for the operant model only partially adhere to its theoretical roots. Other studies which are more methodologically sound have suspect sample gathering procedures. The findings of these studies still hold merit for the cognitive model of chronic pain, though ardent followers of the operant model will inevitably be disappointed. The fact is that the operant model of chronic pain does not have as strong a body of empirical evidence to back it up as its patrons would like. As a result of the questionable reliability of the operant theory, many researchers have begun to actively espouse the cognitive-behavioural theories of chr onic pain. Cognitive Behavioural Account of Chronic PainsThe cognitive-behavioural approach to chronic pain purported to contain the essentials of the operant account of chronic pain, but added space for human emotions, cognitions and mental coping mechanisms. This approach, like surgical and pharmacological interventions, attempt to eliminate or reduce it. Rates of failure in achieving this have led researchers to turn from attempted pain reduction to other objectives like active rehabilitation. One study compared and contrasted two behavioural treatments for ongoing pain.The first treatment focused on abandoning strivings to overcome pain and invest more energy in achieving other aims in life. The second treatment was a traditional cognitive behavioural treatment stressing the development of pain-reducing mechanisms. The treatment incorporating acceptance and re-focussing proved more successful than attempts to master the pain in patients suffering from chronic pain. Initial formulations of a cognitive behavioural approach to chronic pain were predicated upon the realisation that programmes with the behavioural label did not contain only behavioural content. Behavioural experts acknowledged the necessity of addressing the cognitive functioning of a patient as well as his or her behavioural patterns. At present, the role of cognition in reporting extremity of pain, endeavours to successfully deal with pain, emotions and level of pain-related incapacity is solidly documented. The relationship between cognitive functioning and pain has revealed a number of important themes. The way in which patients mentally interpret their pain is predictive of their response and their level of functioning. For example, patients to perceive their pain as an indication of more damage often spend more energy attempting to avoid their pain and become less able to function naturally as a result. Patients who catastrophise their pain may experience augmented levels of d epression compared with those who do not. Depression has also been linked to behavioural functioning and both of these may be affected by the patient’s attempts to predict or control his pain. The sum of the implications of these findings points to the near certainty that cognitive functioning must be considered when attempting to construct any comprehensive and effective model of chronic pain. The cognitive behavioural theory does not go as far as to suggest that certain cognitions lead to pain; the relationship is not as simplistic as that. There is substantial evidence to suggest that cognitive activity related to pain can help to create coping mechanisms that are either helpful or dysfunctional. The nature of the coping mechanisms can directly affect the degree to which chronic pain infringes on continued functioning. Some behaviourists allude to the role of cognitions in their research by referring to external or environmental factors. Strict behaviourism continues to be the preferred method of treatment and as such, willcontinue to concentrate on the transformation of overt behaviours. Evidence for the need to include cognitive and other factors in dealing with chronic pain is becoming increasingly pressing, and it must be acknowledged that including one treatment session on cognitive theory and praxis does not magically transform a behavioural programme into a cognitive behavioural programme. Even the cognitive behavioural theory itself is in need of more complete incorporation of cognitive methods.There are simple questions that can be raised in the minds of chronic pain patients that may transform the way that they think about and respond to their pain. The claims of balanced research pale in comparison to the pressing needs of patients suffering daily who could benefit from cognitive interve ntions. Treatment for chronic pain must be addressed in terms of cognition and behaviour; even if behaviour is the founding principle upon which a treatment is based, it must be recognised that behaviour acquires meaning in a cognitive sphere. There have been propositions to reformulate the theoretical construction of the cognitive behavioural approach. Modifications ofthe approach start with the conception that the issues arising from the presence of chronic pain stem from patient reactions to their pain.Reactions are conceptualised as covering the sum of cognitive processes and not merely external actions. Dividing characteristics between patients who are anxious and suffering a notable level o ncapacitation and those who are able to maintain a level of functioning despite their pain are not found in the sensations of pain experienced by the patient but in the content of the internal cognitive assessment the patient carries out about their own pain. Some cognitive behavioural appraisals of pain are primarily concerned with the meaning that the individual patient attributes to his or her pain. The reformulated cognitive behavioural model of chronic pain proposes that the interaction of various phenomenon such as internal appraisals of pain, learning history, mood, avoidance behaviours and environmental influences can become habitual to an extent that negative consequences of the pain, such as level of disability, may persist despite the removal of the sensory aspect of the pain. Motor behaviours that attempt to evade the pain in some way may continue after the pain has subsided or lessened and therefore the cognitions that prompted those beliefs continue. An acute sense of worry or anxiety may heighten safety or defence mechanisms perpetuate an autonomic arousal that maintains positive feedback for the notion that there is something wrong with the patient. Additionally, psychological dysfunction such as depression or mild panic can augment the chances of patients making calculative mistakes regarding their pain including assessing the pain as being worse than it actually i s. This will reinforce the cycles of avoidance that the patient has previously used. This particular reconfiguration of the cognitive behavioural model further accepts that anxiety and other maladaptive behaviours such asmisusing medica tion can easily invoke arousal encourage the continuance of maladaptive behaviours. The model also takes into account the drive for the patient to seek reassurance about their pain and they ways that they deal with it. They attempt to reconcile any feedback received with their own beliefs about their pain and its related effects. Many chronic pain patients live with the trepidation that the continued existence of chronic pain indicates that further damage is being done to their bodies, which will in turn exacerbate the pain they experience. This may raise their levels of anxiety, which affects their ability to think rationally and calmly about their pain. They may request more medical procedures—tests or treatments—to provide empirical evidence to themselves about the state of their bodies. The reconceptualised model ind icates that the response of medical professionals in these situations may unknowingly encourage this kind of cognitive presumption and therefore positively reinforce incapacity or a passive response to chronic pain. The model articulated above is extensively based upon other cognitive behavioural models of chronic pain and can even take into account theories about the nature of the meta-cognitions of the patient. If, for example, the patient cognitively interprets the pain or cognitions related to the pain indicate something negative about them as a person, then they may make efforts to overcome or control such thoughts in attempts to protect themselves from further negative consequen ces. For example, if the patient fears that thinking about his or her pain is going to make them ‘crazy’ then they may make strong efforts to alter their thoughts about the pain in order to stop themselves from descending into mental illness. This may stem from a fear that since their physical health has deteriorated, their mental health is under threat as well. In addition, some patients may think that the more time they spend thinking about their pain, the more serious and damaging it will be. The mo del asserts that the more cognitive energy is spent trying not to have pain-related thoughts, the more frequent they may become and the anxiety levels of the patient may continue to rise, prompting more and more pain-related cognitions. These thoughts may increase and the patient may feel that the more they have these thoughts, the more damage they are doing to themselves. Patients can end up caught in a web of cognitive gymnastics about their chronic pain, which diverts energy from dealing with the pain in constructive ways and maintaining a satisfactory level of functioning. The cognitions that a patient may develop concerning their chronic pain are the product of complex and intricate synthesis of experiences, cultural forces and even childhood learning. Patients do not interpret their pain only in terms of their immediate situation, but bring a variety of other elements to bear upon the way that they translate their ideas about pain and what it means into their responses to their own pain. If they have had pain in the past, or have had close relationships with individuals who have suffered pain, the express and null curriculum of their experiences will provide them with a set of beliefs about pain, what it means and what can be done about it. Cultural ideas about how to respond to pain will also affect their evaluations about the role of pain in the life of an individual. Spouseresponses can also be important factors in interpreting chronic pain.It can also be said that behaviour that demonstrates acceptance of chronic pain stems from the collaboration of past and present circumstances, as well as the emotive and interpersonal influences of the present. The way that the spouse expresses his or her beliefs about pain can either reinforce or contradict the beliefs of the patient. If the patient believes that his condition or experience of chronic pain has made him incapacitated and the spouse behaves solicitously, the patient’s beliefs about his incapacitation can be confirmed and may override any other input about the patient’s ability to function normally. The cognitive behavioural approach has built into its tenets the capacity for the patient to learn new coping strategies and introduce new cognitions without an awareness of the reality of his or her situation. This may be particularly pertinent in the area of medication, where any form of relief from pain, whether it is actual or perceived, may be a response to thoughts that the pain is out of control and the patient is unable to carry on without the presence of medication. The cognitive behavioral approach also asserts that these types of cognitions and resulting actions are cemented together and work in partnership to perpetuate one another. If a patient thinks that performing a particular action will lead to further damage and pain, he will avoid that action. Thus, he will not discover any information to the contrary and will continue to believe that the presence of pain means that he should not engage in such an activity. Even when patients try to accomplish certain activities, if they do so utilising protective methods, they may only confirm the danger of the activity in their minds and become dependent upon the protective measure instead of achieving their full potential in functioning. It is becoming more and more accepted that it is prudent to explore chronic pain from a cognitive behavioral approach. There are a number of reasons for this growing confidence. First, it has been asserted that the reformulated cognitive model explains the breadth of evidence more extensively than other models. Second, the hypotheses that are put forth by the model may easily be empirically tested in order to determine whether they are statistically supported and theoretically sound. This makes them infinitely more useful for the practical work of treatment, as they can offer statistically supported predictions for the type of treatment that will be most useful in various situations.Obtaining the ability to pinpoint pivotal cognitive functions should lead to accurate treatments in place of the relatively arbitrary approach sometimes implemented by professionals. For several years, the research and treatment of chronic pain concentrated on coping mechanisms as the pre-eminent behavioural factor in adjustment. Yet when coping approaches began to be compared with other types of behavioural approaches such as acceptance of chronic pain, significant conclusions were reached regarding the potential of the respective approaches to predict disability and distress. It has been asserted that there are fundamental problems with coping as a comprehensive adjustment mechanism. The issues with coping are conceptual and empirical in nature and stem from its reliance upon cognitive responses. An empirical study demonstrated that acceptance of chronic pain led to decreased intensity of symptoms and a better quality of life. Acceptance of pain was conclusively shown to be superior to attempting to cope with pain. It is possible that acceptance of pain may be accomplished through a variety of methods. Some of the treatments currently in use, such as those involving cognitive-behavioural methods can help to make pain more acceptable. This is true even for those cognitive-behavioural methods that focus on mastering pain. For example, it could be that diminished avoidance and augmented experience of pain as a result of more control that help patients to accept the pain in their lives. If patients are exposed to more pain they may develop diminished emotional reactions and begin to understand that pain intensity is different in various situations. This understanding can teach them that the pain they suffer is not as intense as they first thought. In addition, teaching methods of behavioural control can result in alternations to the patient’s internalised definition of a painful event, making it easier to endure. The role of values in a contextual cognitive-behavioural approach has been assessed in terms of the relationships between the values of chronic pain patients and the success of following their daily routines. It is often easy for chronic pain patients to expend great amounts of effort struggling with pain rather than focusing their energies on living according to their values. Living according to values was defined in this particular study as acting according to what they care most about and what they want their life to stand for. If pain is not then reduced, the patient may feel that not only have their limited amounts of energy been wasted, but they have also neglected their core purposes in life, which may result in further angst and anxiety. In a study examining the process of living according to personal values while suffering from chronic pain, 140 pain patients completed an inventory of values including categories such as family, friends, health, work and growth. The patients were also asked to record information regarding their pain, anxiety and depression. The results showed that the highest values for the patients were family and health, and the values of least importance overall were friends, growth and learning. The patients generally did not feel satisfied that they were living life according to their values, and this could be because of their level of physical and emotive functioning. The results of the study further demonstrated that those who achieved more succ ess atliving according to their values reported higher levels of acceptance, although acceptance could not reliably account for the sum of the success. Although patients felt that overall they were not living according to their values, there was a significantly higher rate of success at living according to family values than maintaining health. In practical terms, this means that out of the areas that patients value most, they were able to achieve much more success in one area, family than the other, health. Approaches to chronic pain that are contextually based deal with cognitive issues in a different manner than normalcogn itive-behavioural approaches. Approaches that are contextually based seek to change the operation of negative thoughts and the way in which they are experienced, which affects other behaviours. A large quantity of the work devoted to these types of approaches involves releasing maladaptive cognitive forces on behaviour and intensifying behavioural elasticity through cognitive de-fusion. Approaches that are founded upon values add an aspect to this type of treatment.Articulating values during treatment for chronic pain is equivalent to adding cognitive influences to behaviour sequences. On a practical level, the conceptualisations of the cognitive behavioural model of chronic pain can help to explain how patients deal with their pain, particularly the cognitive and meta-cognitive interactions they have with their symptoms and other factors thatinfluence their quality of life and their approach to their pain. If,for example, the patient is in the situation where the pain persists and further tests and treatments prove unsuccessful, it may be easy for the cognitive components of the mind of the patient to feel defeated and to acquire a learned helplessness. The patient may subconsciously or even consciously feel that all of their cognitive efforts to this point have proved futile and therefore they may be paralysed by the notion that whatever cognitive energy they put into dealing with their pain will be to no avail. They may even come to believe that any further medical intervention will be of no use to them. These types of thoughts can affect the effort that patient s put into their treatment.They may be less participatory and become increasingly passive even in the face of extensive medical procedures. They may cease to be emotionally and mentally invested in working with the medical professionals to achieve the best outcome possible for their situation.If patients feel that treatment will be useless and they make less effort, their treatment may not be as effective as it could have been. A treatment outcome that is less than optimal will only reinforce the patient’s sense of helplessness and they may even be dismissed as unhelpful or disengaged by medical staff. If these patients are viewed from the perspective of the cognitive behavioural model of chronic pain, however, they will be perceived not as unmotivated but as individuals with maladaptive cognitions. This understanding of their behaviour would make them prime candidates for cognitive interventions,where their chances of improvement would be quite high. There is much empirical support for the cognitive behavioural model, and it has been found consistent with a wide scope of researchout comes. There is particularly strong support for the idea that when patients worry about their pain, they are more likely to scrutinise their pain, which removes effort and thought from other activities and may make the pain worse than it is. These findings offer support for the cognitive theory that hypervigilance and anxiety are closely related. In other studies, anxiety and stress have been found to predict ambiguous ailments in patients suffering from chronic pain, which supports the theory that hypervigilance may create or exacerbate the ill health of the patient or at least the patients perception of the state of their health. In addition, pain-related trepidation was discovered to predict evading strategies more accurately than the intensity of the pain or the physical ailment. Here, the researchers concluded that their findings were not as supportive of the operant model of chronic pain as the cognitive behavioural model. Further, evidence exists that supports the notion that striving to avert pain-related cognitions may actually intensify pain sensations. Though it is advisable to treat this particular study with some caution, there is more substantial research to support the related notion that trying to block pain-related thoughts is counterproductive and will worsen anxiety. Related to this are the theories surrounding autonomic arousal, which have also received empirical backing. It has been asserted that patients suffering from chronic pain do not respond to pain in the same ways as patients whose pain is not chronic. This is true despite the fact that they do not demonstrate significant difference s from non-chronic pain patients in other areas. When the responses of chronic pain patients are measured with regard to distressing activities, the pain levels measured increased dramatically. This was not true for normal activities. Therefore, it seems safe to adhere to a model of chronic pain in which the state of arousal prompted by particular activities directly affects the pain experienced by the patient. Other elements in the cognitive behavioural model have also received support. In particular the role of medication and the appropriateness of use can affect patients’ complaints regarding symptoms and level of incapacity. One study examined the contrasting characteristics of chronic pain for patients whose pain could be justified by medical explanations and those whose pain could not be explained in medical terminology. The authors found remarkable variations in a number of variables, such as excessive prescribing and internal processing in the group of patients whose pain could not be medically explained. They went on to assert that when medical professionals in this type of situation intimate that it could be psychosomatic, they reinforce the patient’s self-concept of an ill person, if not physically, then mentally. Reacting in this fashion often fails to convince the patient that there is nothing wrong and instead, motivates their search for a plausible explanation f or their pain. They may demand more tests and interventions in search of legitimising their pain. The important point here is that the responses of medical professionals to patient expressions of pain can have a significant impact on pain-rel atedcognitions and thus on their responses to treatment. The sum of this evidence provides legitimisation for approaching chronic pain in a way that is much like the way that anxiety and obsessions are approached. This suggests that if obsessions can be treated, then so can maladaptive pain-related cognitions and behaviours. While the need for further research remains in certain areas, such as the clarification of the significance of safety behaviours and the effectiveness of specific cognitive behavioural intervention programmes, there is strong evidence that cognitive behavioural treatments will overtake operant treatments as the preferred method for addressing chronic pain. Sharp (2001) concludes his discussion of psychological theories of chronic pain by arriving at the destination of cognitive behavioural models akin to those used to treat anxiety. He regards the operant model as having too many problematic issues to be considered a reliable source of chronic pain treatment. He goes even further, to suggest that many of the cognitive behavioural modes currently in use are hampered by the fact that they continue to espouse behavioural principles that have outlived their usefulness. According to Sharp, reformulated cognitive theories are needed in order to satisfactorily assess patient cognitions regarding their pain. While behavioural factors should not be completely ignored, they should nonetheless always be considered within a cognitive framework. The concept of reformulating cognitive models is supported by the evidence and appears to be more helpful in finding real scientific meaning therein. Treatments involving cognitive behaviour therapy and behaviour therapy for chronic pain in adults have been the subject of meta-analysis. The researchers recognised that there is persuasive data for the effectiveness of cognitive behavioural therapy (CBT) in augmenting the functioning ability of patients suffering from chronic pain. There is also conclusive evidence that CBT can enhance emotional states, reduce discomfort and minimise behaviour that stems from a sense of being incapacitated. However, it has been noted that in a clinical treatment context, CBT is not often presented as an option for individuals suffering from chronic pain. Physical, pharmacological and medical treatments are provided as options even though there is often less empirical evidence for their success. This study sought to do a systematic review and meta-analysis of controlled trials in this area.The researchers indentified 25 trials that were appropriate candidates for meta-analysis and compared the effica cy of CBT with various other treatments. In this study, the experts were concerned primarily with two issues. The first was whether or not CBT is an effective treatment for chronic pain in the sense that it is better to undergo CBT than to have no treatment at all. The second issue was whether CBT was better than other available treatments which involve activity as part of the curriculum. The outcomes of the study indicated that CBT that are active in nature are effective. CBT made marked improvements in emotional state, intensity of pain and cognitive measures of coping with the pain. Additionally, pain-related behaviour and level of functioning, both in an individual and a social context were improved. The results of this study led to the conclusion that CBT is indeed an effective treatment for chronic pain in adults. So, too, is behavioural therapy. The study raised certain issues which would be best considered in other studies, because attempting to treat chronic pain from apsychological perspective is quite a difficult endeavour. The outcomes of such treatment cannot always be broken down to determine which variable caused or helped to cause a particular outcome. Especially where psychological methodologies and cognitive evaluations are concerned, there is an ambiguity in proving the cause and effect of research methods that is not easily overcome. The treatment of chronic pain must be recognised as an ongoing and complex process with a significantly complicating number of variables involved. Even when the greatest efforts are made to ensure the independent performance of professionals and to shield the patients from any hint of bias, the narrowing of treatment and research cond itions is extremely difficult. The acceptance of chronic pain involves intentionally allowing pain, with all of its cognitive and emotional implications, to be present in one’s life, when the willingness results in increased functioning capabilities for the patient. Acceptance means responding to pain without attempting to avoid or control it and continuing to function regardless of the presence of chronic pain. Acceptance is especially pertinent when previous attempts at control or avoidance have limited the quality of the patient’s life. Patients suffering from chronic pain who take steps to accept it report fewer instances of anxiety, medical intervention and depression. Two elements are needed to produce acceptance: pain willingness and activity engagement. The development of acceptance is an ongoing process that progresses with experience of pain and relevant social factors. Further, acceptance of chronic pain involves choosing not to become embroiled in fruitless internal struggles that may inc rease the intensity of the pain and its ability to disrupt active functioning. Acceptance is a new psychological approach and conceives human suffering in new terms.Acceptance is located in the cognitive and behavioural approaches and therefore has empirical psychological traditions to lend it credibility. One study demonstrated that diminishing anxiety and augmented acceptance of chronic pain might transfer sufferers from a dysfunctional coping approach to a successful one. The study empirically categorised patients suffering from chronic pain into three categories: dysfunctional, interpersonally distressed or adaptive copers. The researchers in the study believed that identifying the characteristics that distinguish one group from another may help to crystallise the behavioural mechanisms that facilitate acclimation to pain. The subjects in the study were classified according to the Multidimensional Pain Inventory and relative scores on pain acceptance and pain-related anxiety were examined. The results demonstrated that patients in the dysfunctional group cited more anxiety related to their chronic pain as well as lower acceptance of pain than those who were interpersonally distressed or copers. Add

A Comparison of Themes of Amy Tans Kitchen Gods Wife and Joy Luck Clu

Similar Themes in  of Kitchen God's Wife and Joy Luck Club       Amy Tan's two novels, The Kitchen God's Wife and The Joy Luck Club, represent a unique voice that is rarely heard in literature. Tan is a Chinese-American woman who tells stories of old China that are rich in history and culture. Both novels have at least one strong central female character who is trying to inform her daughter about their Chinese heritage and familial roots.    The plot ofThe Joy Luck Club displays this idea in each woman's story. The older generation is comprised of four women: Suyuan Woo, An-Mei Hsu, Lindo Jong, and Ying-Ying St. Clair. They relate their stories to their daughters, hoping to retain some of their rich histories and old lifestyles in China. Joy Luck is centered around Suyuan Woo's daughter, June, who is dealing with the death of her mother. June takes her mother's place at the mah-jong table, where she is told that she must learn about her mother's life in China. The one thing June knows of her mother's life in China is the story of her abandoned twin babies. The members of t...

Interdisciplinary Elementary Physical Education Essay -- Education

Trampolines in math class, soccer in Spanish class, and capture the flag in history class? Sounds like a fun way to learn right? It is! The fun of correlating physical activity and movement with all ranges of classes is one of the reasons why interdisciplinary teaching is one of the successful forms of teaching. What is interdisciplinary teaching? Interdisciplinary teaching is a style of teaching that integrates two or more subjects into a lesson plan. For instance, correlating math within science, language arts within physical education, history within music, no matter what subjects correlate with other subjects of a students curriculum, this puzzle piece teaching method goal is to enhance the learning experience, ability, and knowledge in each study areas (Cone). According to the authors of Interdisciplinary Elementary Physical Education, you cannot just relate a subject with another subject without planning it out, one needs to find a central theme, issue, problem, process, topic or experience to connect two or more subjects together (Jacobs, 1989). Now, primarily focusing on elementary physical education, it is substantially beneficial for elementary students to walk into gym class and learn about math, science, history, language arts, or any other classes that fall into their young curriculum. The reason why is because the average elementary student is always waiting for that time of the day to go run around and play games with their friends. Lets face it, what kid doesn’t want to go outside to play catch or go to the gym to shoot a basketball? Knowing that physical education teachers will hopefully receive the upmost attention and support from these young students, he now has the power to use that attention to potentially... ...in to increase numbers of success with all subject areas. The three models that teachers use, connected, shared, and partnership, to teach in a interdisciplinary form determines how simple or complex the skill, topic, or concept the teacher or teachers teach to their students. In my eyes, I believe all subjects of all levels of schooling should blend this style of teaching within their curriculums to receive full success and potential of each student. Works Cited Cone, Theresa Purcell, Peter H. Werner, and Stephen Leonard. Cone. Interdisciplinary Elementary Physical Education. 2nd ed. Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics, 2009. Print. Jacobs, Heidi H. "Interdisciplinary Learning in Your Classroom: Explanation." THIRTEEN. Educating Broadcasting Corporation, 2004. Web. 04 Apr. 2012. .

Juvenile Justice Reform :: essays research papers

THESIS STATEMENT: The Great and General Court of Massachusetts has erred in reforming the juvenile justice system by implementing policies and procedures that will harm juveniles and place society at risk.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  On July 23, 1995, an intruder brutally attacked and stabbed Janet Downing approximately 100 times in her Somerville home. The revolting Downing murder and ensuing arrest of Edward O'Brien Jr., a 15-year-old juvenile whom prosecutors say committed the heinous crime, sent shockwaves through the state. When Somerville District Court Judge Paul P. Hefferman ruled that the Commonwealth try Mr. O'Brien as a juvenile, those shockwaves grew in intensity, and the citizens of Massachusetts, fed up with increasing youth violence and perceptions of an ineffective juvenile justice system, demanded the enactment of tough new laws to deal with repeat and violent juvenile offenders. The Great and General Court of Massachusetts headed these demands for reform of the juvenile justice system and enacted legislation that, among other things, abolishes the trial de novo system in the juvenile courts, requires the trial of juveniles charged with murder, manslaughter, aggravated rape, forcible rape of a child, kidnaping, assault with intent to rob or murder and armed burglary in adult court and permits prosecutors to open to the public juvenile proceedings when they seek an adult sentence. Although proponents tout these measures as a sagacious solution for the vexatious problem of juvenile delinquency, abolishing the trial de novo system, providing for automatic adult trials and opening juvenile proceedings to the public when prosecutors seek an adult sentence works to the detriment, not the benefit, of juveniles and society. Therefore, the policy makers of Massachusetts should repeal most sections of the Juvenile Justice Reform Act and develop other policies to deal with the rising problem of juvenile crime. I. A SINGLE TRIAL SYSTEM PREVENTS COURTS FROM PROVIDING RAPID ASSISTANCE TO JUVENILES IN NEED, DOES LITTLE TO SERVE JUDICIAL ECONOMY AND PLACES A SIMILAR BURDEN AS THE DE NOVO SYSTEM ON VICTIMS AND WITNESSES.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Proponents of a single trial system for juveniles argue that the trial de novo system wastes judicial resources by giving defendants a second bite at the apple and traumatizes victims and witnesses by forcing them to testify at two proceedings. However, these proponents fail to acknowledge that the de novo system allows judges to quickly provide juveniles with the rehabilitative help they need. The proponents, unsurprisingly, also fail to acknowledge that a single trial system may place a greater burden on judicial resources and a similar burden on victims and witnesses.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The de novo system benefits juveniles by encouraging bench trials, which frequently result in the swift administration of rehabilitative

Media issues in india Essay

The Indian media display certain defects. These should ideally be addressed and corrected in a democratic manner. But if the media prove incorrigible, harsh measures may be called for. The time has come when some introspection by the Indian media is required. Many people, not only those in authority but even ordinary people, have started saying that the media have become irresponsible and wayward, and need to be reined in. Only a couple of days back I read in the newspapers that the Union government has issued some regulations regarding licences for news channels, to which there was a lot of reaction. Under the Constitution of India, freedom of the media is part of the freedom of speech guaranteed by Article 19 (1) (a). However, no freedom can be absolute, and reasonable restrictions can be placed on it. One of the basic tasks of the media is to provide truthful and objective information to the people that will enable them to form rational opinions, which is a sine qua non in a democracy. But are the Indian media performing this role properly? I may only mention certain defects in the functioning of the India media today. Twisting facts One of the defects is that the media often twist facts. I would like to give an example. One day, a leading English newspaper published on its front page a photograph of Justice Gyan Sudha Misra of the Supreme Court with the caption: â€Å"Supreme Court Judge says that her daughters are liabilities.† This was a distorted and fallacious item of news, published on the front page. Supreme Court Judges have to disclose their assets and liabilities. Against the liabilities column, Justice Misra had written: â€Å"two daughters to be  married.† Strictly speaking, it was not necessary to mention this because liabilities mean legal liabilities, for example, housing loan, car loan, and so on. Justice Misra’s intention was obviously to say that she would have to spend on her daughters’ future marriage. She has three daughters (no son), only one of whom has been married. Justice Misra never said, nor intended to say, that her daughters were liabilities. The news was false and defamatory, with the obvious intention of creating a sensation. Paid news A second defect concerns the issue of paid news that has become prominent of late. In the 2009 elections, it was a scandal. How this vicious practice could be stopped needs to be discussed. Incidentally, in compliance with an order of the Chief Information Commissioner dated September 19, 2011, we have placed the 71-page report of the Committee consisting of Paranjoy Guha Thakurta and Sreenivas Reddy on our website, www.presscouncil.nic.in with the disclaimer that the Press Council had rejected this report at its meeting held on April 26, 2010. Non-issues as real issues A third defect is that the media often portray non-issues as real issues, while the real issues are sidelined. The real issues in India are economic, that is, the terrible economic conditions in which 80 per cent of our people are living, the poverty, unemployment, lack of housing and medical care and so on. Instead of addressing these real issues, the media often try to divert the attention of people to non-issues. Such as that the wife of a film actor has become pregnant, whether she will give birth to a single child or to twins, and so on. Are these the real issues facing the nation? At a Lakme India Fashion Week event, there were 512 accredited journalists covering the event in which models were displaying cotton garments, while the men and women who grew that cotton were killing themselves at a distance of an hour’s flight from Nagpur, in the Vidharbha region. Nobody told that story, except one or two journalists, locally. Is this a responsible way for the Indian media to function? Should the media turn a Nelson’s eye to the harsh economic realities facing over 75 per cent of our people, and concentrate on some ‘Potemkin villages’ where all is glamour and show biz? Are not the Indian media behaving much like Queen Marie Antoinette, who said that if the people had no bread, they should eat cake? No doubt, sometimes the media mention farmers’ suicides, the rise in the price of essential commodities, and so on, but such coverage is at most 5 per cent to 10 per cent of the total. The bulk of the coverage goes to showing the life of film stars, pop music, fashion parades, cricket and astrology. Tendency to brand Here is a fourth defect. Bomb blasts have taken place near the Delhi High Court, in Mumbai, Bangalore and so on. Within a few hours of such a bomb blast, many TV channels started showing news items that said that the Indian Mujahideen or the Jaish-e-Mohammed or the Harkatul-Jihad-e-Islam had sent e-mails or text messages claiming responsibility. The names of such alleged organisations will always be Muslim ones. Now, an e-mail can be sent by any mischievous person, but by showing this on TV channels and the next day in the newspapers, the tendency is to brand all Muslims as terrorists and bomb-throwers. The truth is that 99 per cent of the people of all communities, whether Hindu, Muslim, Christian or Sikh, and of whatever caste or region, are good. But the manner in which such news is shown on TV screens and published in newspapers tends to create the impression that all Muslims are terrorists, and evil — which is totally false. The person who sends such e-mails or text messages obviously wants to create hatred between Hindus and Muslims, which is the old British divide-and-rule policy continuing even today. Should the media, wittingly or unwittingly, become part of this policy of divide-and-rule? No doubt there are defects not only in the media but in other institutions also, for example, the judiciary, the bureaucracy, and so on. There are two ways to remove these defects in the media. One is the democratic way, that is, through discussions, consultations and persuasion — which is the method I prefer. The other way is by using harsh measures against the media, for example, by imposing heavy fines on defaulters, stopping government advertisements to them, suspending their licences, and so on. In a democracy we should first try the first method to rectify the defects through the democratic method. For this purpose, I have decided to have regular get-togethers with the media, including the electronic media, so that we can all introspect and ourselves find out ways and means to rectify the defects in the media, rather than this being done by some government authority or external agency. I propose to have such get-togethers once every two or three months, at which we will discuss issues relating to the media and try to think of how we can improve the performance of the media so that it may win the respect and confidence of the people. If the media prove incorrigible, harsh measures may be required. But in my opinion, that should be done only as a last resort and in extreme situations. Ordinarily, we should first try to resolve issues through discussion, consultation and self-regulation. That is the approach which should be first tried in a democracy. I, therefore, request the Union government to defer the implementation of its recent decision regarding news channel licences, so that we can ourselves discuss the issue thoroughly, and ourselves take corrective measures. Till now the function of the Press Council was only adjudication. I intend to make the Press Council an instrument of mediation in addition, which is in my opinion the democratic approach. For this purpose, I need help,  cooperation and advice from the media. India is passing through a transitional period in its history, from a feudal agricultural society to a modern industrial society. This is a very painful and agonising period. The media must help society in going through this transitional period as quickly as possible, and by reducing the pain involved. This they can do by attacking feudal ideas, for example, casteism and communalism, and promoting modern scientific ideas.